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 S E T T I N G
dani
 Posted: May 27 2017, 06:07 PM
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Our Miami
In the name of having a fun game, some historical aspects of the 1980s Miami drug wars have been modified to fit the site. Namely, after Griselda Blanco (the infamous "Godmother" of the Cocaine Cowboys) left, other criminal enterprises filled in the gap she left. In our game, this is primarily the Liberty City Gang and the Krovi. If someone is interested in making a character from another cartel/gang/group, feel free! Our Miami is a city at war, between all of the various gangs as well as the government and the police.


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dani
 Posted: Jun 16 2017, 04:55 PM
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The Look of 80s Miami





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dani
 Posted: Jun 16 2017, 05:02 PM
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The Drug Wars
The events that surrounded Miami's drug wars in the early 80s will just precede the events of the game. To fully understand the craziness of late 70s/early 80s Miami, the best bet is to watch the documentary Cocaine Cowboys, shared below in chapters for your convenience. Some of the content may be NSFW and there is some violent imagery - please be advised.




user posted image TIME Magazine, Paradise Lost, Nov.23, 1981

☠ When the FBI issued its annual list of the ten most crime-ridden cities in the nation last September, three of them were in South Florida: Miami (pop. 347,000) was in first place. Miami last year had the nation’s highest murder rate, 70 per 100,000 residents, and this year’s pace has been even higher.

☠ An estimated 70% of all marijuana and cocaine imported into the U.S. passes through South Florida. Drug smuggling could be the region’s major industry, worth anywhere from $7 billion to $12 billion a year. Drug money has corrupted banking, real estate, law enforcement and even the fishing industry, whose practitioners are abandoning the pursuit of snapper and grouper for the transport of bales of marijuana (“square grouper,” as fishermen call it) from freighters at sea to the mainland. About one-third of the region’s murders are drug-related.

☠ Since the spring of 1980, when Cuban President Fidel Castro opened the port of Mariel to those who wanted to leave, about 125,000 “Marielitos” have landed in South Florida. In addition, 25,000 refugees have arrived from Haiti; boatloads of half-starved Haitians are washing up on the area’s beaches every week. The wave of illegal immigrants has pushed up unemployment, taxed social services, irritated racial tensions and helped send the crime rate to staggering heights. Marielitos are believed to be responsible for half of all violent crime in Miami.


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dani
 Posted: Jun 16 2017, 05:16 PM
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Gangland Culture

Drug Wars Make Communities Dangerous
The bloodiest crimes tend to be committed by drug dealers and refugees, and often that warfare is intramural. One man was shot as he walked from his apartment building in Miami; injured, he was taken to Miami’s Mercy Hospital where he was again shot, this time fatally, in his bed. As Elio Gonzalez and his twelve-year-old son Eric were getting out of their car in front of their home in North Miami, another car raced by spraying machine-gun fire; both father and son were killed. (Twenty-three percent of Miami’s murders last year were committed with machine guns, a favorite weapon of drug dealers.) So many bodies now fill the Miami morgue that Dade County Medical Examiner Joe Davis has rented a refrigerated hamburger van to house the overflow.

“If you stay here, you arm yourself to the teeth, put bars on the windows and stay at home at all times,” says Arthur Patten, a Miami insurance executive. “I’ve been through two wars and no combat zone is as dangerous as Dade County.”

As terrified residents search for protection, the region is beginning to be as armed as a military base. In the past five years, 220,000 guns have been sold in Dade County—an average of more than seven guns for every new household. So far this year, gun sales in the county have risen 46% over 1980, to a record 66,198. It is easier to buy a pistol than an automobile in Florida, where the gun lobby has frustrated virtually all attempts at handgun controls. Even the Rev. MacVittie has purchased a revolver to keep in his home. “That is one hell of a way to live,” he says. Adds Janet Cooper, a legal researcher who lives in Miami: “I see people walking down the streets openly carrying guns, some in their hands, others in their holsters. You don’t dare honk your horn at anybody; you could end up dead.”

Cocaine Imports and Gangland Types
Cocaine is usually flown into the U.S. by airplane. Customs officials estimate that some 80 planes secretly land in the U.S. every night carrying cargos of white powder, most of them landing in South Florida.

Cuban dealers favor Mercedes Benzes and bodyguards dressed in dark suits and carrying two guns (one under the coat and one strapped to the ankle). José Medrano Alvero Cruz, nicknamed El Padrino, always travels in a Rolls-Royce protected by cars full of bodyguards. Alvero, who is fond of listening to the theme song from The Godfather on his car stereo, never talks on the telephone and keeps himself insulated from any drug deal through relatives and friends. Nevertheless, he was recently convicted for tax evasion.

The Colombians are the most secretive of all, preferring to keep the business in the family. Officials estimate that there are from 50 to 150 top Colombian traffickers in South Florida, with another 200 or so middle-level managers. Wives, brothers, sisters and children all help out. That is one reason why narcotics agents have failed to break any of the big coke rings in the area. “Say I have 75 pounds of coke that has just come in,” explains “Bena-vides,” a Colombian-born drug dealer who lives in Miami. “Who am I going to trust better than my brother? I take it to his place. After all, I am paying the rent.”

The billions in narco-bucks, as police have dubbed the drug money, allow its recipients to buy, in cash, $1 million waterfront homes, $50,000 Mercedes and $400 bottles of wine. One drug kingpin alone has bought up some $20 million worth of prime Miami real estate. Says Miami Financial Analyst Charles Kimball: “Criminals have become conspicuous buyers of some of the best properties in South Florida.”

Most, if not all, of Miami’s 250 banks have drug money in their accounts. As many as 40 banks still neglect to report cash deposits of $10,000 or more, as required by law. And at least four banks, according to law enforcement officials, are controlled by drug dealers. Treasury Department investigators have long suspected that some smaller banks, known as Coin-o-Washes among both cops and criminals, were founded primarily to launder money for the drug trade.

Perhaps the most valuable commodity bought by all that cash is freedom. Once caught, suspected drug dealers are often released on bail of $1 million or more. They typically pay it within hours, sometimes in cash, and skip town. Dealers regard the forfeited bail as merely a cost of doing business. If a prosecutor’s case is airtight, money can sometimes pry it open. “We pay for what we need as we need it,” one lawyer bragged to TIME. “If we can’t bribe the cop, we try to bribe the prosecutor and, if we can’t get the prosecutor, we try to buy the judge.”
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dani
 Posted: Jun 16 2017, 05:22 PM
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Multicultural Neighborhoods



user posted image

(Also from TIME Magazine, Nov. 1981)
Marielitos
The 125,000 Marielitos who fled Cuba (in 1980) have strained the area’s economy and aggravated its racial tensions, perhaps irretrievably. Nothing infuriates South Floridians as much as the deeds of the convicts and mental patients Castro sent along with the rest of the fleeing Cubans. Officials estimate that as many as 5,000 Marielitos are hard-core criminals. This year 53 refugees have been arrested in Miami for murder, and many more have been jailed for rapes and robberies. Fifty-one Marielitos themselves have been killed in Miami this year, most of them by other Marielitos. More than a quarter of those in Dade County jails are refugees.

Haitian Refugees
Perhaps the saddest dilemma facing South Florida is the plight of the refugees from Haiti. Law enforcement officials pick up about 500 Haitians a month on Florida’s beaches, but probably just as many slip in without getting caught. The 600-mile journey from Haiti is often arduous, a measure of how desperately Haitians want to leave their country. Many sell all their possessions and hire professional smugglers, who often starve them, beat them, or even dump them overboard. Others pool their money to buy a makeshift boat and then hire a local fisherman, who may know little about navigation, to bring them to America. The trip can easily end in tragedy, as happened when a rickety 30-ft. sailboat carrying 63 Haitians was swamped in the Florida surf last month, claiming the lives of 33.

Still they come, for Haiti is both a desperately poor country—its per capita income of $260 a year is among the world’s lowest—and an oppressive dictatorship, ruled by Jean-Claude (“Baby Doc”) Duvalier. The Reagan Administration holds that nearly all the Haitian refugees are fleeing their country to escape poverty, not repression, and are thus not eligible to be admitted as political refugees. Others believe that many of the refugees are indeed entitled to political asylum, and cite evidence of those returned being beaten and tortured in Haitian prisons. As Father Gérard Jean-Juste, a Haitian exile leader, puts it, “There’s a song being sung in Haiti now: ‘The teeth of the sharks are sweeter than Duvalier’s hell.’ ”

Some 1,000 Haitians are in Dade County’s Krome Avenue North Detention Center, which is designed for no more than 530 people. The fortunate former detainees who have been released to sponsors are likely to be found in Little Haiti, the neighborhood north of 36th Street in Miami. “The Haitians take care of each other as well as they can,” says Fernand Cayard, owner of a local supermarket. “No one is sleeping on the streets.” Jean François, a 25-year-old Haitian, shares a three-bedroom wooden frame house with 19 fellow refugees. “Everyone sleeps in shifts,” explains François. “He who works gets the shift of his choice. Those who can pay help pay the rent.”

Latin Americans
Not all the foreign newcomers to South Florida are poor. Inspired by the Nicaraguans who fled their country after the downfall of President Anastasio Somoza in 1979, wealthy families from El Salvador, Guatemala, Venezuela and Argentina are nervously preparing a South Florida refuge in case their own governments totter. They are pouring their fortunes into Miami banks; it is estimated that as much as $4 billion in Latin exile money is socked away in Miami.

The Latin tinge that now colors South Florida is still primarily Cuban. The refugees who began arriving from Castro’s island in the early 1960s were largely middle-class professionals, and over the past two decades they have transformed Miami from a resort town into an international city where “buenos dias” and frijoles negros are as familiar as “good morning” and hamburgers.

Cuban Influence
The signs of Cuban influence are everywhere. Miami’s Little Havana, the epicenter of the Cuban community that stretches along Eighth Street (or Calle Ocho,) is a foreign land. In Antonio Maceo Park (named for a black Cuban patriot), old Cubans pass the time playing dominoes or reading Spanish-language newspapers that carry headlines like THE PLAN TO INVADE CUBA IS READY. The Miami Herald, the city’s largest newspaper, is printed daily in Spanish as El Herald. Its circulation: 421,236 in English; 60,000 in Spanish. Three television stations and seven radio stations in South Florida broadcast Spanish programs. There are six Spanish legitimate theaters, two ballet troupes and a light opera company. Some stores in Little Havana even carry the helpful message: Habla inglés.

Yet just beneath that cosmopolitan veneer, ready to erupt, are tensions between the Cubans and their fellow Floridians. Dade County voters last year approved, 3 to 2, an ordinance that forbids the spending of its public funds to promote bilingualism. The bad blood has risen dramatically since the arrival of the Marielitos last year. Whites in particular resent picking up the tab of caring for the newcomers, but the animosity spills over on all Cubans. “I wonder who really upsets whites the most,” says Monsignor Bryan Walsh, who ran a resettlement program for Cuban children in the 1960s, “the poor Cuban on welfare or the rich Cuban with three Cadillacs and a Mercedes out buying the county.”

Ironically, the Cubans themselves are a divided community. La Comunidad, as the older Cubans are called, fears the Marielitos will tarnish the reputation they have labored so hard to build in South Florida. “I tell my employees that if a black comes here asking for money, give it to him,” says one prosperous Cuban gas station owner in Little Havana. “If an Anglo comes to rob us, give it to him. But if a Marielito comes here, kill him. I will pay for everything.” The older Cubans also find themselves in a cultural and political split with the younger ones, who tend to split with the younger ones, who tend to be less conservative and less committed to the homeland than their elders. While an older Cuban might listen for hours to a Spanish-language station blasting out anti-Castro messages, the younger one is more inclined to tune to a rock station.

African Americans
The blacks are upset by both kinds of Cubans. Stuck on the bottom rung of South Florida’s economic ladder, they have always resented the more prosperous Cuban minority. With the arrival of the Marielitos, blacks feared that they would lose out in the scramble for the few low-skill jobs avail able in the region. Even in Liberty City, the black enclave in North Miami where 18 people died in last year’s riot, the Latin influence is apparent. White store owners who abandoned their businesses are being replaced by Latin landlords. “The only things blacks have in Miami are several hundred churches and funeral homes,” says Johnny Jones, a former Dade County school superintendent. “After a generation of being Southern slaves, blacks now face a future as Latin slaves.”

White Flight
The shocks of crime, drugs and cultural tensions have already spawned the beginnings of an Anglo exodus from Miami and its environs. Some 95% of election registrations now being canceled by citizens leaving the region come from white voters. Says Jeff Laner, 26, a native of Miami who moved this year to work as a stockbroker in Kansas City: “I was going to be damned if I had to learn a foreign language to get a job where I had lived all my life.”

South Floridians dedicated to easing the strains within the region found little comfort in this month’s mayoral election in Miami. The campaign managed to avoid nearly all the major issues and instead dwelt on which of the two major candidates was more Latin: Mayor Maurice Ferre, or Manolo Reboso, who took part in the Bay of Pigs invasion. Reboso courted the votes of Cubans, while Ferre made his strongest pitches to Anglos and blacks. The results of last week’s runoff election show just how bitterly Miami is polarized. Reboso drew 70% of the Cuban vote, while Ferre attracted an astounding 95% of the black vote (the pair split the Anglo vote about evenly). The Anglos were so alienated by the race that only 38% of those eligible to vote bothered to do so, while 58% of the Latin voters and more than 50% of the blacks went to the polls. “We’ve become a boiling pot, not a melting pot,” says Mayor Ferre. “The Anglos can’t adapt. They can’t take it, so they’re moving.”
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